The geography of violence during a presidential election: Evidence from Zimbabwe

被引:3
|
作者
Fielding, David [1 ,2 ]
机构
[1] Univ Otago, Dept Econ, Dunedin 9054, New Zealand
[2] Univ Oxford, Ctr Study African Econ, Oxford, England
关键词
Elections; Voter intimidation; Zimbabwe; STATE REPRESSION;
D O I
10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2018.05.004
中图分类号
F [经济];
学科分类号
02 ;
摘要
Successful election monitoring depends on the ability to predict where violence will be used to intimidate voters. However, the strategy of a violent electoral candidate will depend on the particular characteristics of the election, including (i) whether other candidates are able to organize violence, (ii) whether the outcome depends on nationwide voting shares or shares in individual electoral districts, and (iii) how costly it is to transport the resources used to perpetrate violent acts. Although there is already ample theory and evidence for some combinations of these characteristics, analysis of other combinations is still lacking. This paper presents a theory designed to analyse strategy in an election in which the outcome depends on nationwide voting shares and only one candidate is able to organize violence, distinguishing between the case of costless transportation and the case in which transportation is prohibitively costly. The theory predicts that in the case of costly transportation with constant returns to scale, violence will be targeted at areas where support for the opposition is relatively low. Evidence suggests that the second round of the 2008 presidential election in Zimbabwe corresponds to such a case, and statistical analysis of the geographical distribution of violence around the time of the election indicates that areas of opposition weakness did indeed suffer more violence.
引用
收藏
页码:538 / 558
页数:21
相关论文
共 50 条
  • [21] Price discrimination in political advertising: Evidence from the 2012 presidential election
    Moshary, Sarah
    RAND JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS, 2020, 51 (03): : 615 - 649
  • [22] Causal Judgment in the Wild: Evidence from the 2020 US Presidential Election
    Quillien, Tadeg
    Barlev, Michael
    COGNITIVE SCIENCE, 2022, 46 (02)
  • [23] Intergenerational mobility and voting in the presidential election: Evidence from US counties
    Choi, Sungmun
    ECONOMICS LETTERS, 2022, 220
  • [24] Patrimony and french presidential vote choice: Evidence from the 2012 election
    Bélanger É.
    Nadeau R.
    Turgeon M.
    Lewis-Beck M.S.
    Foucault M.
    French Politics, 2014, 12 (1) : 59 - 68
  • [25] An attributional model of economic voting: Evidence from the 2000 presidential election
    Rudolph, TJ
    Grant, JT
    POLITICAL RESEARCH QUARTERLY, 2002, 55 (04) : 805 - 823
  • [26] Drugs, Bullets, and Ballots The Impact of Violence on the 2012 Presidential Election
    Vivanco, Edgar Franco
    Olarte, Jorge
    Diaz-Cayeros, Alberto
    Magaloni, Beatriz
    MEXICO'S EVOLVING DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE 2012 ELECTIONS, 2015, : 153 - 180
  • [27] Public attitudes toward polls: Evidence from the 2000 US Presidential election
    Price, Vincent
    Stroud, Natalie Jomini
    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PUBLIC OPINION RESEARCH, 2006, 18 (04) : 393 - 421
  • [28] Home prices and the 2008 presidential election: Evidence from state level data
    Zimmer, Michael
    SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, 2010, 47 (02): : 439 - 446
  • [29] Market Reaction to Political Risk: Evidence From the 2018 Brazilian Presidential Election
    Pereira, Gustavo M. L.
    Colombo, Jefferson A.
    Figueiredo, Otavio Henrique dos Santos
    LATIN AMERICAN BUSINESS REVIEW, 2022, 23 (04) : 343 - 371
  • [30] The Activation of Prejudice and Presidential Voting: Panel Evidence from the 2016 US Election
    Hopkins, Daniel J.
    POLITICAL BEHAVIOR, 2021, 43 (02) : 663 - 686