Heed the call: the implied freedom of political communication and the terrorism high-risk offenders regime

被引:2
|
作者
Pallas, Josh [1 ]
机构
[1] Univ Sydney, Sch Law, Camperdown, NSW, Australia
关键词
Terrorism (High-Risk Offenders) Act 2017; violent extremism; preventive detention; implied freedom of political communication; social media; PREVENTION; DETENTION;
D O I
10.1080/10345329.2021.1983103
中图分类号
DF [法律]; D9 [法律];
学科分类号
0301 ;
摘要
Since 2020, the Terrorism (High-Risk Offenders) Act 2017 (NSW) (THRO Act) has increasingly become a frontier for contestation about the implied freedom of political communication and the maintenance of community safety. In closely considering two recent decisions, State of New South Wales v Cheema (Preliminary) [2020] NSWSC 876 and Cheema v State of New South Wales [2020] NSWCA 190, this article analyses the courts' use of a deeming provision to prove that an offender has advocated support for a terrorist act or violent extremism. I argue that these decisions have significant implications for the rights of offenders convicted of indictable offences and journalists who seek to engage in political communication. I further argue contrary to the reasoning in the decisions, that the THRO Act has the real capacity to burden the implied freedom of political communication in extending the State's powers to subject individuals to supervision and detention after expiry of their sentences in a way that is disproportionate to the end of maintaining community safety. In doing so, I seek to draw attention to the THRO Act's extraordinary ambit in a call for wider scholarly attention as provisions such as that under examination are increasingly frequently invoked.
引用
收藏
页码:1 / 19
页数:19
相关论文
共 50 条
  • [11] Monitoring high-risk sex offenders with GPS
    Gies, Stephen
    Gainey, Randy
    Healy, Eoin
    CRIMINAL JUSTICE STUDIES, 2016, 29 (01) : 1 - 20
  • [12] Can high-risk offenders be reliably identified?
    Urbaniok, Frank
    Rossegger, Astrid
    Endrass, Jerome
    SWISS MEDICAL WEEKLY, 2006, 136 (47-48) : 761 - 768
  • [13] A COMMENT ON HOW THE IMPLIED FREEDOM OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION RESTRICTS NON-STATUTORY EXECUTIVE POWER
    Carney, Gerard
    UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA LAW REVIEW, 2018, 43 (02): : 255 - 274
  • [14] Intimate Partner Violence Intervention for High-Risk Offenders
    Connors, Angela D.
    Mills, Jeremy F.
    Gray, Andrew L.
    PSYCHOLOGICAL SERVICES, 2013, 10 (01) : 12 - 23
  • [15] The clinical profile of high-risk mentally disordered offenders
    Yiend, Jenny
    Freestone, Mark
    Vazquez-Montes, Maria
    Holland, Josephine
    Burns, Tom
    SOCIAL PSYCHIATRY AND PSYCHIATRIC EPIDEMIOLOGY, 2013, 48 (07) : 1169 - 1176
  • [16] High-risk sexual offenders: Towards a new typology
    Kaseweter, Kimberley
    Woodworth, Michael
    Logan, Matt
    Freimuth, Tabatha
    JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE, 2016, 47 : 123 - 132
  • [17] The clinical profile of high-risk mentally disordered offenders
    Jenny Yiend
    Mark Freestone
    Maria Vazquez-Montes
    Josephine Holland
    Tom Burns
    Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 2013, 48 : 1169 - 1176
  • [18] Fatigue Risk Management in High-Risk Environments: A Call to Action
    Hersman, Deborah A. P.
    Whitcomb, Emily A.
    PREHOSPITAL EMERGENCY CARE, 2018, 22 : 1 - 2
  • [19] Government funding of non-governmental organisations and the implied freedom of political communication: The constitutionality of gag clauses
    Gray, Anthony
    AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, 2013, 48 (04) : 456 - 469
  • [20] "Necessary" Interferences with the Implied Freedom of Political Communication in the Australian Constitution: How Proportionality Is Reducing Judicial Review
    Gray, Anthony
    PUBLIC LAW REVIEW, 2024, 35 (01):