Individual differences in the processing of referential dependencies: Evidence from event-related potentials

被引:5
|
作者
Fiorentino, Robert [1 ]
Covey, Lauren [1 ,2 ]
Gabriele, Alison [2 ]
机构
[1] Univ Kansas, Dole Human Dev Ctr, Dept Linguist, Neurolinguist & Language Proc Lab, Room 4037,1000 Sunnyside Ave, Lawrence, KS 66045 USA
[2] Univ Kansas, Dole Human Dev Ctr, Dept Linguist, Language Acquisit Lab 2, Room 4035,1000 Sunnyside Ave, Lawrence, KS 66045 USA
关键词
Referential ambiguity; Referential failure; Event-related potentials; Nref; P600; BRAIN POTENTIALS; WORKING-MEMORY; PRONOUN RESOLUTION; TIME-COURSE; LANGUAGE COMPREHENSION; ANAPHORIC PRONOUNS; GENDER; SENTENCE; ERPS; INFERENCE;
D O I
10.1016/j.neulet.2018.02.014
中图分类号
Q189 [神经科学];
学科分类号
071006 ;
摘要
The present study examines the processing of referential ambiguity and referential failure using event-related potentials (ERPs). Participants read sentences with pronouns (he, she) which contained either one, two, or no potential gender-matching antecedents. Participants also took tests of working memory (Count Span/Reading Span) and attentional control (Number Stroop). In contexts of referential ambiguity with two potential gender matching antecedents, two different responder types emerged, with some participants yielding a sustained negativity (Nref) and others a sustained positivity. For individuals who elicited Nref, the size of the effect was related to working memory such that higher Count Span scores were related to a larger Nref. For individuals who elicited a positivity, the effect was marginally related to attentional control such that better performance on the Stroop was related to a less positive, or increasingly negative-going ERP effect. Contexts of referential failure, with no gender-matching antecedents, yielded P600 for all participants, suggesting that participants may treat the failure of the pronoun to agree in gender with the antecedents as a violation despite the absence of an explicit acceptability judgment task.
引用
收藏
页码:79 / 84
页数:6
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