Non-adjacent reduplication requires spellout in parallel

Recent approaches to morphological spellout have been cyclic in nature, whereby category-defining heads trigger the spellout of phases in word formation. A prediction of these types of cyclic approach is that phonological conditioning of outer morphemes must be local, such that a conditioning morpheme must be linearly adjacent to the target. This paper presents evidence from Madurese reduplication that provides evidence to the contrary. Two major problems are isolated: (i) a long-distance relationship can exist between a reduplicant and a base, and (ii) the compositional semantics of reduplicants places them outside of a phase, even when the reduplicant must access properties of the root inside of the phase. Both of these problems provide prima facie evidence for a non-local configuration. In order to account for these non-locality effects, it is proposed that identity demands are placed on the base-reduplicant correspondence, and that reduplicative locality is a violable constraint in grammar.