Two types of ditransitive constructions in Japanese

This paper argues that there are two types of ditransitive verbs in Japanese that associate their dative arguments with different structural positions: on projects the dative argument in a lower position that the accusative argument, whereas the other generates it in a higher position than the accusative argument. Evidence for this proposal comes from a difference observed in causative-inchoative alternations of ditransitive verbs. One type of verb promotes the accusative argument to the subject of the inchoative variant, which is discussed in Baker (1993,1995). However, the other type advances the dative argument to the subject. It is also claimed that the dative arguments of the two types of verbs are distinguished by thematic role: one is goal, whereas the other is experiencer. Furthermore, this paper deals with issues concerning the structure of a passive construction, locality of A-movement, and the structural condition on bound variable reading of a pronoun.