On the scope of verb movement in Irish

This paper is concerned with one aspect of the syntactic processes which derive VSO order in (Modern) Irish. Analyses which appeal to fronting of the finite verb have played an important role in recent theorizing about the VSO clausal pattern. A question which has resisted resolution, however, is the question of what the target-position for this fronting is: does the verb move as far as the C-0-position, or does it remain among the inflectional projections? This paper argues that the kind of Verb Fronting found in Irish involves only fronting of V-0 to I-0, and that it is, as a consequence, different in important ways from Verb Fronting of the Germanic type. The analytical challenges posed by the Irish data are, however, made more interesting by the fact that the sequence of Complementizer, Inflectional element and Verb clearly forms a unit-a word at least for phonological purposes. It is an interesting issue how this conclusion is compatible with the conclusion that there is no general fronting of I-0 to C-0 in Irish (finite) clauses. It is argued that the Verbal Complex is formed by two movements - raising of V-0 to I-0 and lowering of C-0 to I-0. The question of how this conclusion can be compatible with current theories of movement and of locality constraints on movement is the final matter addressed.