An event-related potential investigation of lexical pitch-accent processing in auditory Japanese

被引:5
|
作者
Koso, Ayumi [1 ,2 ]
Ojima, Shiro [1 ,3 ]
Hagiwara, Hiroko [1 ,3 ]
机构
[1] Tokyo Metropolitan Univ, Grad Sch Humanities, Dept Language Sci, Tokyo 1920397, Japan
[2] Japan Soc Promot Sci, Tokyo, Japan
[3] Japan Sci & Technol Agcy, RISTEX, Tokyo, Japan
基金
日本学术振兴会;
关键词
Event-Related Potentials (ERPs); Japanese; Lexical pitch-accent; Auditory; Phonological processing; SPOKEN-WORD RECOGNITION; BRAIN POTENTIALS; ERP; VIOLATIONS; DISSOCIATION; RESPONSES; PROSODY; SYNTAX; RULES; P600;
D O I
10.1016/j.brainres.2011.02.008
中图分类号
Q189 [神经科学];
学科分类号
071006 ;
摘要
Lexical prosody plays an important role in speech comprehension. However, the electrophysiological nature and time course of processing lexical prosody in mora-timed languages are rarely known in contrast to the wealth of knowledge in stress-timed languages and syllable-timed languages like German and French. In the present study, lexical pitch-accent processing in Japanese is investigated using event-related potentials. Participants listened to sentences with verbs either correct or incorrect with respect to pitch-accent (phonological condition), word meaning (semantic condition) or sentence type (syntactic condition). When the brain potentials of correct and incorrect sentences were compared within conditions, the phonological and semantic conditions showed a negativity and positivity (P600), while the syntactic condition displayed a P600. Furthermore, the negativity in response to pitch-accent violations (pitch-accent negativity) appeared approximately 60 ms earlier than the response to semantic violations (N400), while no significant topographical distributions were found between the two components. These results suggest that the pitch-accent negativity reflects initial phonological processing followed by lexical access and word recognition. Moreover, the P600 displayed in all conditions was interpreted as a general integration process that is common across the three domains. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
引用
收藏
页码:217 / 228
页数:12
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