Direct-access retrieval during sentence comprehension: Evidence from Sluicing

被引:50
|
作者
Martin, Andrea E. [1 ]
McElree, Brian [2 ]
机构
[1] Basque Ctr Cognit Brain & Language BCBL, Donostia San Sebastian 20009, Spain
[2] NYU, Dept Psychol, New York, NY 10003 USA
基金
美国国家卫生研究院; 美国国家科学基金会;
关键词
Sentence processing; Ellipsis; Sluicing; Speed-accuracy tradeoff; Serial position; Recency; Retrieval interference; SPEED-ACCURACY TRADEOFF; TIME-COURSE ANALYSIS; SHORT-TERM-MEMORY; SERIAL POSITION; PROACTIVE-INHIBITION; RECOGNITION MEMORY; WORKING-MEMORY; INFORMATION; INTERFERENCE; RECENCY;
D O I
10.1016/j.jml.2010.12.006
中图分类号
H0 [语言学];
学科分类号
030303 ; 0501 ; 050102 ;
摘要
Language comprehension requires recovering meaning from linguistic form, even when the mapping between the two is indirect. A canonical example is ellipsis, the omission of information that is subsequently understood without being overtly pronounced. Comprehension of ellipsis requires retrieval of an antecedent from memory, without prior prediction, a property which enables the study of retrieval in situ (Martin & McElree, 2008, 2009). Sluicing, or inflectional-phrase ellipsis, in the presence of a conjunction, presents a test case where a competing antecedent position is syntactically licensed, in contrast with most cases of nonadjacent dependency, including verb-phrase ellipsis. We present speed-accuracy tradeoff and eye-movement data inconsistent with the hypothesis that retrieval is accomplished via a syntactically guided search, a particular variant of search not examined in past research. The observed timecourse profiles are consistent with the hypothesis that antecedents are retrieved via a cue-dependent direct-access mechanism susceptible to general memory variables. (C) 2011 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
引用
收藏
页码:327 / 343
页数:17
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