Revisiting the incremental effects of context on word processing: Evidence from single-word event-related brain potentials

被引:86
|
作者
Payne, Brennan R. [1 ,2 ]
Lee, Chia-Lin [4 ,5 ]
Federmeier, Kara D. [1 ,2 ,3 ]
机构
[1] Univ Illinois, Dept Psychol, Urbana, IL 61801 USA
[2] Univ Illinois, Beckman Inst Adv Sci & Technol, Urbana, IL 61801 USA
[3] Univ Illinois, Neurosci Program, Urbana, IL 61801 USA
[4] Natl Taiwan Univ, Grad Inst Brain & Mind Sci, Grad Inst Linguist, Dept Psychol, Taipei 10764, Taiwan
[5] Natl Taiwan Univ, Neurobiol & Cognit Neurosci Ctr, Taipei 10764, Taiwan
关键词
Event-related potentials (ERPs); Sentence comprehension; Linear mixed-effects model; N400; Lexical processing; REGRESSION-BASED ESTIMATION; EYE-MOVEMENTS; PROBING INTERACTIONS; ERP; LANGUAGE; FREQUENCY; SENTENCE; ELECTROPHYSIOLOGY; N400; TIME;
D O I
10.1111/psyp.12515
中图分类号
B84 [心理学];
学科分类号
04 ; 0402 ;
摘要
The amplitude of the N400an event-related potential (ERP) component linked to meaning processing and initial access to semantic memoryis inversely related to the incremental buildup of semantic context over the course of a sentence. We revisited the nature and scope of this incremental context effect, adopting a word-level linear mixed-effects modeling approach, with the goal of probing the continuous and incremental effects of semantic and syntactic context on multiple aspects of lexical processing during sentence comprehension (i.e., effects of word frequency and orthographic neighborhood). First, we replicated the classic word-position effect at the single-word level: Open-class words showed reductions in N400 amplitude with increasing word position in semantically congruent sentences only. Importantly, we found that accruing sentence context had separable influences on the effects of frequency and neighborhood on the N400. Word frequency effects were reduced with accumulating semantic context. However, orthographic neighborhood was unaffected by accumulating context, showing robust effects on the N400 across all words, even within congruent sentences. Additionally, we found that N400 amplitudes to closed-class words were reduced with incrementally constraining syntactic context in sentences that provided only syntactic constraints. Taken together, our findings indicate that modeling word-level variability in ERPs reveals mechanisms by which different sources of information simultaneously contribute to the unfolding neural dynamics of comprehension.
引用
收藏
页码:1456 / 1469
页数:14
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