Two borrowings in Proto-Slavic, and a minor Balto-Slavic sound change

It will be argued that PSI. had at least two chronologically separate layers of Gmc. borrowings and, correspondingly, two different substitutions for the Gmc. velar fricative *x. I shall demonstrate that late PSI. *kvetb 'flower' and *svekry 'mother-in-law' cannot be inherited and must therefore be borrowed. That they are borrowed specifically from Gmc. is both formally and semantically plausible. In this connection, I shall also address a minor Balto-Slavic sound change, the simplification of a PIE sequence *sw into *s.